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43 pages 1 hour read

The Wretched of the Earth

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1961

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Themes

Violence, Social Order, and Mental Health

The Wretched of the Earth is structured around the unifying theme of violence. The argument for its necessity in the decolonization process is present in all chapters, in one form or another. Fanon sees violence as an essential tool in excising and reversing the detrimental effects colonial rule exerts on the native population. He repeatedly argues that using violence in the struggle for liberation benefits all aspects of a colonized society, from political structures to artistic production to mental illness. Violence serves as a unifying force in destroying the artificial racial segregation imposed by the settlers and as a catalyst for social upheaval, during which an unjust system can be replaced with something new and beneficial to all.

The idea of overthrowing the extant social order for a better one through violent class struggle is a recurring theme in the works of Marx and Engels, as well as Lenin. In the colonial context, however, Fanon sees economic inequality as synonymous with racial discrimination. In other words, class and race become superimposed, which is one of the main differences between colonized and Western or socialist societies. Decolonization is not simply a shift in the power imbalance between different social classes but a deconstruction of racial difference. Consequently, while Fanon’s thinking is in many ways influenced by Marxism and Leninism, he understands that such ideas must be adapted to the colonial context before implementation. Possibly, he is wary of explicitly declaring his allegiance to communism lest the third world be drawn into the Cold War—another largely white preoccupation.

Another potential way of looking at Fanon’s treatment of violence is through Mikhail Bakhtin’s conception of the medieval carnival as a limited period of time when social norms are suspended and anything becomes permissible. During the liberation struggle, prevalent European views of right and wrong become suspended. In Bakhtin’s theory, however, the carnival serves as a sort of pressure valve, and after its end, the status quo is reestablished. In Fanon’s theorizing of violence, physical struggle is also a sort of pressure valve that reduces problems like criminality among the local population, but after it ends, a new order should ideally come about. However, the author acknowledges that this does not always occur and that in societies where the period of violence does not last long enough, the colonial worldview is reestablished with the only difference that positions of power now belong to a small elite group of locals.

A third analytical lens for understanding Fanon’s writing is psychoanalysis. When describing the need to release built-up tension among the natives, he uses sexual imagery and Freudian concepts: “The native’s relaxation takes precisely the form of a muscular orgy […] to allow the accumulated libido, the hampered aggressivity, to dissolve as in a volcanic eruption” (44-45). Fanon suggests that physical exertion, such as dance and even acts of violence, function as a substitute for sexual release, allowing subconscious aggression to manifest in a safe way. The struggle for independence takes the place of these rituals and activities, and brings repressed desires and fears to the conscious level. In other words, violence can have a restorative and therapeutic effect on the subconscious.

Dehumanization and Identity

Together with violence, dehumanization constitutes a unifying thread throughout the text. Fanon examines dehumanization as a consequence of colonization, which he calls “a systematic negation of the other person and a furious determination to deny the other person all attributes of humanity” (200). In doing so, he discusses the various ways colonial powers attempt to deprive their subjects of economic and political rights as well as their very identity. He cites slavery as one example, asserting that economic development in Europe and the United States “has been nourished with the blood of slaves and […] built up with the sweat and the dead bodies of Negroes, Arabs, Indians, and the yellow races” (6).

Fanon’s discussion of dehumanization, particularly his thinking about the self and its interaction with others, is influenced by such philosophers as Descartes, Hegel, and Husserl. In Hegelian terms the master-slave dialectic is a relationship of mutual dependence. In other words, a master is a “consciousness” that needs a slave to exist and vice versa. However, Fanon argues that in the colonial context, the master’s privilege is so absolute that it does not need a counterpart to exist. In fact, the colonized subject is not even considered to be fully human, so any self-recognition holds no value.

A side effect of dehumanization that Fanon traces throughout the book is self-hatred. He sees violence among Algerians as a symptom of this rather than a sign of their inferior morality. The main problem with living in a colonial society is that all aspects of existence are colored with racial prejudice. Education, especially, is planned and implemented by white settlers who in effect brainwash their nonwhite students. Growing up believing that a person is predestined to be violent or prone to crime, as well as surrounded by poverty and injustice, creates a vicious cycle that is incredibly hard to break, even after liberation.

Where colonization enforces a dichotomy that divides the oppressed from the oppressor and suppresses native identity, Fanon argues that decolonization “unifies that people by the radical decision to remove from it its heterogeneity, and by unifying it on a national, sometimes a racial, basis” (35). In other words, by reversing these social divisions and removing the idea of racial difference, the decolonization process enables both political independence and the expression of national culture and identity.

However, Fanon cautions that colonized peoples must avoid Europe’s example upon attaining independence and pursuing prosperity. He insists they “must seek the response elsewhere than in Europe” (254), lest they perpetuate the cycle of dehumanization, violence, and injustice that enabled European economic development.

Religion and Colonization

Fanon considers religion, whether Christianity or local systems of belief, a tool for control. In this, his thinking echoes Marxist ideology. In observing how settlers use Christian doctrine to impose ideas of humility and acceptance only among the locals, he asserts, “the Church in the colonies is the white people’s Church, the foreigner’s Church. She does not call the native to God’s ways but to the ways of the white man, of the master, of the oppressor. And as we know, in this matter many are called but few chosen” (32). In other words, oppressors use their religion to suppress native culture and enforce assimilation into white culture. Fanon criticizes this practice, as it encourages further dehumanization and oppression that conflicts with the teachings of the Christian faith. Native shamans and wise men are not much better, as they prefer to work with the oppressors to maintain their positions of power and prestige, threatened by the modern ideas of educated locals.

Islam holds a slightly different place in Fanon’s analysis. He sees the awakening of Islam as part of the national revival process in Arab societies. The turn to religion, in this case, is an attempt to return to a time of prosperity and cultural achievement, as well as a means to counteract the cultural falsehoods propagated by colonizers about Muslim lack of culture and history. It is possible that Fanon’s favorable view of Islam as a cultural institution limits his analysis. Like other religions, it also can easily become a tool of control and oppression, but the author does not delve into this aspect of Islam, focusing instead on its potential to counterbalance European values.

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