44 pages • 1 hour read
A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Morgan discovered that all around the world, the earlier and consanguine form of the family was common to Europeans, Indigenous people, and all “barbarians” in both the distant past and among those who maintained premodern traditions for many centuries afterward. Such families were based on a gens (plural form, gentes), or common ancestor, progressing through the maternal line since paternity was necessarily uncertain. Among the Iroquois, the roles of sachem (or chief) and war-leader were filled by men, the former coming from within the gens, passing to brothers or nephews but never from father to son. The tribe as a whole (consisting of eight gentes) had the power to both appoint and remove the sachem and war-chief, and marriage within the gens was forbidden, even as possessions remained firmly within the gens after death (thereby separating marriage from property). The gens allowed adoption, but loyalty to a bloodline served as the basis of law, so tribal councils would sit in judgment of disputes among members of different gentes.
A group of affiliated gentes formed a phratry, which similarly organized the conduct of its members and relations with other phratries, just as within gentes. A group of phatries in turn constituted a tribe, distinguished by a specific name and territory, although names tended to arise arbitrarily and boundaries tended to be permeable and at times uncertain. There was also linguistic overlap among tribes, but each tribe had a distinct dialect. Tribal councils could overrule the decisions of specific gentes, and held their own religious rituals, although they each tended to be “a cult of nature and of elemental forces” (124). Men and women alike could receive a fair hearing before tribal councils, and participation in military campaigns was voluntary. Sometimes the leader of a war party could translate their position into a more permanent form of executive power, but this was rare.
In Morgan’s view, the Iroquois were particularly advanced in that they were an alliance of five tribes, although they remained within what Morgan considers the tribal phase of development. All tribes were considered equal and consanguine, and there was a federal council consisting of each tribal council. In sum, Engels (following Morgan) is describing “the organization of society which still has no state” (128). This system gradually spread across a vast continent, with the tribes expanding until they lost their original connections with each other. Engels sees this as a blessed condition free of arbitrary authority or bureaucracy, with the tribe providing a kind of radical democracy. Mutual assistance prevented poverty, and there was equality among the sexes. These people in many respects constituted a superior form of human being than their more “civilized” counterparts, with greater “personal dignity, uprightness, strength of character, and courage” (130). This beautiful system, however, could never have survived the coming of modernity, even though its disappearance was a great tragedy for the human race.
By the advent of recorded history, the Greeks had shed the family system they shared with the Iroquois, adopting a patrilineal and patriarchal family structure that expropriated the property of women who married in from their original gens. The Greeks established religions that mirrored patriarchal families in the elevation of a divine father, established descent through the male line, and required heiresses to marry within the gens. Historians have tried to impose the modern concept of the family on the ancient world, even though in consanguine societies husband and wife were members of different gentes, which was the primary legal unit. Nonetheless, it is clear that Greece at one point had consanguine family units rooted in the gens, with matrilineal descendance. However, at some point, there was a “conscious, purposeful interference with the naturally developed order” although the details are unclear (136). By the time of Homer, tribes had coalesced into small nations vying for both resources and status. With society too large for tribal governance, an aristocracy took form, along with popular assemblies. Privileges were for the most part not hereditary, although they could pass from father to son with popular acclaim. In the Iliad, Agamemnon is not a supreme commander, but the head of a coalition who must maintain the support of the other chieftains. As with the Iroquois, command over an army did not translate into a broader remit of political power. However, this system bore the seeds of its own destruction, as the desire to concentrate wealth within families led to constant warfare, leading to the invention of the state as the best means of securing the wealth of the most powerful families.
Ancient Athens marks the decisive point at which consanguine families and truly popular government gave way to the authority of the state and the use of public agents to suppress the people. As Athenian commerce and industry became more complex, the old tribal system broke down as families intermingled and new blood entered into the city’s workforce. To handle this new state of affairs, Athens put forth a constitution with a central authority, fusing several families into “one single nation” (143). The nation was then divided into classes, with nobles (who had been the wealthiest families) alone being able to hold public office. The new political arrangement helped the nobility enrich themselves even further, reducing the general population to penury if not outright slavery. Whereas the Iroquois lived within the limits of nature, producing a stable if not invariably prosperous existence, producers in Athens lost control of the things they were producing, and money became “the one general power before which the whole of society must bow” (146). Commercial society evolved faster than governing institutions could keep up, and soon the exploited classes had to look to themselves for protection and assistance. Solon, considered the great lawgiver of Athens, then introduced reforms to protect the property of debtors, while reconfiguring governing arrangements to give the people more power against the aristocracy. The most significant development was private ownership of property, eventually putting the old aristocracy in conflict with the newly wealthy. The next constitutional change under Cleisthenes redivided Athens along territorial lines, so that “the inhabitants became a mere political appendage of the territory” (151). Territoriality was a major concept in forming the state, but other state institutions were still a long way from their modern form. For example, there was a police force, but it consisted of enslaved people, as citizens saw policing as beneath them. They looked down on labor too, and the result was a massive enslaved population and the concentration of wealth in the hands of a small ownership class.
Having laid out in broad terms the transition from the consanguine, matriarchal family to the monogamous and patriarchal one in “The Family,” Engels now turns to a detailed review of that process from prehistory to the modern age. He begins with the conclusion that, like economics, family structures have essentially evolved in the same way in all places, if not always at the same pace. This leads to the idea that humanity in its natural state enjoyed a kind of communism, with complete (or near-complete) sexual freedom and common ownership over land and resources. Early forms of capitalism began a long and steady assault on this blessed condition, with patriarchal monogamy serving as the tip of the spear. The Iroquois people stand as the paradigmatic example of what humanity has lost in its embrace of “civilization.” Engels’s portrayal of the Iroquois as less advanced but therefore more pure, virtuous, and happy than “civilized” societies risks falling into the “noble savage” trope, a reductive way of seeing Indigenous peoples that Engels embraces to highlight The Conflict Between the Family and the State. The Iroquois, in Engels’s telling (by way of Morgan), constituted a people, and all peoples require some form of social and political organization, but their family-based social order was entirely self-governing at every level of association. Leaders were elected, major decisions were reached through consensus, and perhaps most importantly, “members of the gens owed each other help, protection, and especially assistance in avenging injury by strangers” (119). All members of the gens, phratry, or tribe were fully equal, regardless of gender. Though Engels describes these social arrangements in condescending terms, referring to their “childlike simplicity” for example (129), he also asserts that they are far more conducive to freedom and happiness than social structures subject to the arbitrary rule of states, with their complex bureaucracies and agents who are accountable only to their “masters,” not to the people as a whole. In its premodern version, Engels argues that “this organization was doomed” (130), as it could never have withstood the onslaught of modernity. However, now that modernity has planted the seeds of its own destruction, it stands as an ideal of what humanity can have if they can shake off the oppressive rule of the state and reclaim something more akin to their natural condition. If there is Freedom in Barbarism, then humanity must reclaim its barbaric origins.
The Greeks likely had social structures very much like those of the Iroquois in their earliest days, and powerful traces of this history remained as Greek civilization entered into the historical record: Homer’s epics describe something very much like “the old gentile order” with elected, temporary leaders and organization rooted around tribes rather than political institutions (140). Ultimately, Greece (specifically Athens) became a victim of its own success. Access to maritime trade, in Engels’s view, was the key cause of Athens’s fall from grace, as it led to the development of a money economy and a major reliance on enslaved people to meet the ever-expanding demand for labor. Where the Iroquois could live in mostly the same way for centuries, these innovations caused society to outgrow the strictures of the gentile constitution, prompting the shift from a society of shared lineage to a state based on class antagonisms. To this day, scholars and historians look to ancient Athens as the flowering of Western civilization, and they are right to do so, but in Engels’s view, they ought to see that same flowering as the source of humanity’s ruin.
Plus, gain access to 8,800+ more expert-written Study Guides.
Including features:
By Friedrich Engels