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63 pages 2 hours read

Prequel: An American Fight Against Fascism

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Chapters 8-11Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 8 Summary: “Tikkun Olam”

In 1938, Henry Allen, a key member of the Silver Shirts and the organizer of the paramilitary organization The American White Guard, rained down propaganda from the rooftops of San Diego, along with three other companions. All four men were arrested, thanks to a tip from an informant. Allen remained in custody, but the other three were released. One of them, Charles Slocombe, contacted Allen’s wife, who informed Slocombe that Allen had an important briefcase that Slocombe needed to retrieve.

The next day, Slocombe traveled back to San Diego with his boss, Leon Lewis. Slocombe was in fact a spy working on Lewis’s behalf. The son of Jewish-German immigrants, Lewis started his career as a lawyer for the Anti-Defamation League. During his time there, he worked to counter the efforts of Henry Ford, a prominent businessman and antisemite who used his newspaper, The Dearborn Independent, to publish antisemitic screeds every week for two years. These papers were distributed to all his dealerships and placed in Model Ts. Ford enshrined his writings as a four-volume series of books and had it translated into 12 international editions. Maddow asserts that Ford’s crusade constituted “the most prolific, most sustained published attack on Jews the world had ever known” (82). His writings had such an impact that Hitler, in crafting Mein Kampf, seemed to borrow ideas as well as verbatim passages from Ford. Hitler declared Henry Ford a huge inspiration to him and hung a large portrait of Ford behind his desk.

In the 1930s, Lewis noted that Nazis were trying to target Los Angeles as they sought to grow their military might, offering services to disgruntled veterans of World War I. At the time, Los Angeles had the largest population of World War I veterans, and German Americans constituted the largest demographic in the city. Lewis decided to counter the Nazis’ efforts by starting a volunteer spy ring and drawing from the same pool of people that the Nazis were trying to recruit: non-Jewish, predominantly German, World War I veterans. Together, Lewis and his fellow spies identified the members of fascist and Nazi organizations in Southern California. They foiled a plot by the Marines to sell weapons and ammunition to fascists. Lewis and Slocombe also sabotaged a fascist plan to hang prominent Los Angeles Jewish men, attack Jewish families in their homes, and blow up steamships to prevent escape from the city.

Despite their efforts, the spies often ran into difficulties when they tried to bring their findings to local, state, and even federal authorities. Many of the authorities they approached either supported the fascist movement or did not want to disturb diplomatic relations with Germany.

When Slocombe learned of Allen’s important briefcase, he and Lewis convinced the San Diego police to show them its contents. In the briefcase were documents that exposed Nazi agents and organizations as well as their plans in the US. The district attorney and sheriff refused to let the men make copies of the documents, but eventually they managed to call in a favor from the Navy; Navy officers convinced the San Diego authorities to let Slocombe and Allen drive the briefcase to a naval base to copy the documents.

Chapter 9 Summary: “‘Probably Ten Times More’”

In the late 1930s, anti-Nazi sentiment in the US was not widespread or outspoken; Hitler’s annexation of Austria and Czechoslovakia in 1938 did not give rise to many US demonstrations. Nevertheless, the US Congress instituted restrictions on protests around the capitol.

In late 1938, a teen named Hershel Grynszpan, distraught over the Nazi-fueled violence and antisemitism that was spreading through Europe, shot a member of the German Embassy in Paris. The Nazis used this incident as an excuse to instigate what was later known as the Kristallnacht, or the Night of Broken Glass. Violent German mobs swept through Germany, Austria, and the Sudetenland, murdering Jewish people and destroying Jewish businesses and institutions. Even this incident did not inspire significant protests in US, however; fewer than 100 demonstrators showed up in Washington the next day.

A few months later, a man named George Deatherage entered the German Embassy in Washington, offering to contribute to the Nazi cause. Baron Ulrich von Gienanth was one of the members of the Embassy who considered Deatherage a useful ally. Deatherage briefed von Gienanth on the current state of the US pro-Nazi movement: After five years of building up support, many pro-Nazi groups were now consolidating under the American Nationalist Confederation, with the aim of working together to form a heavily armed, paramilitary organization with cells in major cities throughout the country. When Deatherage asked von Gienanth how current antisemitic sentiment in the US compared to antisemitism in pre-Hitler Germany, the German attaché reassured him: “It looks to me from what I read in the papers and the information I have […] that probably there is ten times more [antisemitism] now in the US than there was in Germany before Hitler’s rise to power” (107). Now, in Deatherage’s eyes, all the movement needed was a leader: an American counterpart to Hitler. He believed that the perfect person for the job was Major General George Van Horn Moseley, an outspoken detractor of President Roosevelt and man with a reputation for ruthlessness. Moseley soon became more pronounced in his antisemitism, calling for a policy of “selective breeding,” including the sterilization of Jewish people.

Chapter 10 Summary: “Bound and Obligated”

The House Committee on Un-American Activities—also known as the Dies Committee, named after Martin Dies, the chairman—was formed in the spring of 1938. This committee, which was not well-funded, aimed to investigate “un-American” propaganda in the US.

The committee mostly directed its focus toward leftists, not realizing that extremism was gathering strength on the right. Committee members opposed communism, collective bargaining, strikes, legislation to impose a minimum wage and maximum work hours, and the New Deal. They viewed the workers’ rights movement as threatening. However, even though the committee focused on communism, citizens who were worried about the growing threat of fascism sought to bring this matter to the committee’s attention.

In August 1938, the Dies Committee heard testimony about fascism from the first witness , John C. Metcalfe. A former reporter, Metcalfe had joined a pro-Nazi organization so that he could report on it for the newspaper. He showed the committee dozens of photos, including one of a fascist military commander speaking to a crowd of 10,000 supporters in New Jersey and photos of Hitler Youth camps in the US.

Metcalfe returned a few months later and gave the committee the names of individuals as well as organizations. He identified 130 pro-Nazi organizations in the US and noted that many of them used words like “Christian” and “Patriotic” in their names.

In 1938, the publication Ken ran an exposé that revealed a plot formed by George Deatherage. Deatherage planned to overthrow the US government and install a Hitler-like dictator in power. He aimed to gather weapons and coordinate simultaneous strikes on cities throughout the country after the 1940 presidential election, causing enough death and destruction to disorient the country, overturn election results, and install an American Hitler as the new leader.

Chapter 11 Summary: “‘The Handwriting on the Wall Is Clear as a Bell’”

In 1939, the Dies Committee subpoenaed George Deatherage and General Moseley. When Deatherage appeared before the committee, he dove into a meandering monologue about his life story, his political agenda, his plans, and his methods. He was eager to return and speak to the committee again because he wanted to explain his conspiracy theories, including his belief that Roosevelt was a communist and that a vast international web of Jewish communists was working throughout the country.

During Moseley’s testimony, he defended US fascist and Nazi organizations, claiming that they were trying to uphold democracy. In addition, he expressed frustration toward the committee for not focusing more on rooting out communists. While Moseley skirted some questions about Hitler, he asserted that many of Hitler’s beliefs and actions were justified, saying that Hitler had “solved the racial problem” (136).

Chapters 8-11 Analysis

This section strategically reveals information pertinent throughout the book, creating an engrossing experience that mirrors the process of an investigative journalist, uncovering evidence bit by bit and piecing it together over time. One instance that exemplifies this stylistic choice is the revelation that Charles Slocombe, one of Henry Allen’s companions, was in fact a spy working for Leon Lewis. The text initially introduces Slocombe as Henry Allen’s “key aide and confidant,” situating Slocombe as a member of the fascist movement (76), but later pulls back to show more context while describing Slocombe’s trip back to San Diego:

Slocombe was barreling back down the coast highway first thing the next morning, with the scent of brine drifting in off the Pacific. His companion on this ride, his real boss, was even more anxious to get to San Diego than Slocombe was, and Leon Lewis was not an excitable man (78-79).

This revelation adds layers to the text, showcasing the complexity of the anti-fascist efforts and the meticulous nature of the individuals involved in uncovering the Nazi threat. The storytelling technique keeps readers on the edge, enhancing suspense and intrigue.

The figures of Henry Ford and Major General George Van Horn Moseley exemplify the theme of Prominent Americans Versus American Ideals. The text drives home just how deeply involved Ford became in Hitler’s rise to power. Moreover, despite holding a position that traditionally aligns with upholding US interests, General Moseley supported Hitler and antidemocratic individuals and organizations. This contrast highlights the disconcerting reality that individuals in positions of prominence may deviate from the tenets they are expected to defend. In contrast, Leon Lewis, who steadfastly fought for democracy, never achieved widespread fame or recognition.

These chapters reveal a pattern of intrepid individuals risking their lives to combat fascism, often against the backdrop of apathy or even obstruction from US institutions. John C. Metcalfe’s infiltration of a pro-Nazi organization and Leon Lewis’s formation of a volunteer spy ring exemplify this pattern. These individuals faced challenges from authorities and institutions that either dismissed the fascist threat or actively hindered their efforts. Lewis’s spy ring, operating as a volunteer effort without financial reward or public recognition, underscores the sacrifices of these individuals.

The text sharply juxtaposes the apathy and underestimation of growing Nazism in the US with the harsh reality of the situation. Baron Ulrich von Gienanth’s reassurance to George Deatherage that there was “ten times more” antisemitism in the US than in pre-Hitler Germany starkly contrasted with the prevailing apathy toward the Nazi threat (107). This disconnection between perception and reality is a chilling reminder of how underestimating and dismissing the rise of fascism can lead to dire consequences.

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