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24 pages 48 minutes read

Iron Curtain Speech

Nonfiction | Essay / Speech | Adult | Published in 1946

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Important Quotes

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“The President has told you that it is his wish […] that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. […] I have no official mission or status of any kind and I speak only for myself.”


(Pages 21-22)

Churchill tells the audience right from the start that he is here to speak with them as himself. He is not a political actor here, but a man with substantial experience about to share his personal proposal. This statement is, in part, a personal appeal. In addition, though, it is something of a gentle warning; in other words, Churchill is letting the audience know that his opinions may not necessarily align with the US government’s position.

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“I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.”


(Page 22)

Churchill sets the stage by acknowledging the grave sense of responsibility that he feels in delivering this address. Freed of any political pressures, he is about to offer his guidance based on his vast personal experience. However, the opportunity that the United States has right now is fragile, earned by substantial loss; that is, from the very start, Churchill is prompting listeners to recognize the importance of this historical moment.

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“It would be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb […] to the world organization.”


(Page 24)

At the time, debates emerged among academics and diplomats, with many wanting a stronger United Nations Organization to oversee diplomacy and international relations. These actors were often proponents of using control of atomic weapons as a route to the success of this new worldwide organization. Churchill expresses here, quite bluntly, his belief that sharing atomic secrets with potential future enemies would be disastrous rather than ensure peace and stability.

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“[P]eople of any country have the right and should have the power […] for free and unfettered elections.”


(Page 25)

Churchill issues a clarion call here for democracy among devastated and rebuilt countries. Essentially, he is making a declaration of a secondary cause for engaging in the emerging Cold War. In addition, these words serve as a warning to Communists that the Western Allies will not stand for illegal or corrupt elections.

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“This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States.”


(Page 26)

This “special relationship” is the other famous term, in addition to the iron curtain, that Churchill coins in this speech. The concept calls a much more involved, if still informal, pact between the two countries.

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“Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization?”


(Page 27)

Here, Churchill insists that a more integrated relationship between Britain and the United States, even in terms of their militaries, would not conflict with the aims of the United Nations Organization (UNO). This line likely speaks to fears that such a collaboration would isolate the two countries within their own power structure. Rather, Churchill argues, the two countries’ working together in this manner will be key to the UNO reaching its full potential.

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“A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory.”


(Page 28)

This line marks another use of the allegory describing the implementation of a totalitarian state in certain European countries. It refers to the shadow of Communistic totalitarianism as opposed to the shadow of fascist totalitarianism.

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“We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers from all renewal of German aggression.”


(Page 28)

In these lines, Churchill acknowledges Russia’s need to be vigilant given its proximity to Germany. Due to the topography of Europe, there are no significant geographical barriers to prevent or dissuade militaries from invading from western or middle Europe to the east.

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“From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the continent.”


(Page 28)

This line is perhaps the most famous quote from this speech, and the one that gives the speech its more common name, despite Churchill titling it “The Sinews of Peace.” This line has been echoed, copied, and parodied by many other famous speeches and texts.

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“At the end of fighting last June, the American and British armies withdrew westward in accordance with an earlier agreement […].”


(Page 29)

This line refers to the Yalta agreements. Near the end of the war, Churchill, Truman, and Stalin met in Yalta to hammer out what each country’s responsibilities and aims were to end the war with Germany. In this summit, geographic zones were agreed upon for the three countries, plus France, wherein each country would have responsibility for the safety and security of the population within these zones. The work would include rebuilding the infrastructure and re-instituting an appropriate governmental structure.

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“In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes of anxiety.”


(Page 29)

The evidence that Churchill provides following this line bolsters Churchill’s insistence that time is of the essence. The “shadow” of communism is reaching beyond the iron curtain.

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“I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the West and the East, falls upon the world.”


(Page 30)

Winston draws again on the use of allegory to make the audience aware of what he sees is happening in Eastern Europe. Totalitarianism is both the cause of the shadow and the shadow itself. Churchill, given his unique role in history, feels a particular obligation to call attention to this danger.

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“[W]e hold the power to save the future […].”


(Page 30)

Here, Churchill verbalizes the obligation of the winning countries to make the correct decisions to ensure stability, security, and peace in the world. The way forward is not to rely on harsh retributions as revenge for the war. Rather, the United States must focus on forging stronger bonds with its allies, particularly Britain, before the entire English-speaking world is at risk of communism gaining too much ground.

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“Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention.”


(Page 31)

Here, Churchill justifies his stern words for the United States in two ways. First, this is something of a personal appeal. Churchill grieves for what his words could have prevented. Second, he is using his accuracy in the past to lend credence to his warning now.

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“Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth.”


(Page 31)

Churchill concludes by emphasizing that his people have a great deal to offer the United States in return, even as they struggle to regain stability after the devastating effects of the war. The British people, through the war, proved their resilience and power.

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