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In Enlightenment Now, Pinker consistently defends rationality and argues for quantitative evidence. The only way to ensure we’re making progress is to measure it, he argues, and we can and must measure the most important facets of human flourishing—such as education, safety, health, and wealth. This respect for quantitative data itself reflects Enlightenment’s dedication to reason because data can help form a more objective view of reality—a view that isn’t based on feelings, impressions, biases, or beliefs. Because of media’s significant reliance on opinion and conjecture, Pinker asks, “Seeing how journalistic habits and cognitive biases bring out the worst in each other, how can we soundly appraise the state of the world? The answer is to count” (42-43). He practices what he preaches: Throughout his work, Pinker supports his claims by using quantitative data from census reports, voter surveys, psychological studies, and economics research.
Of course, some intellectuals question quantitative analysis as a way to evaluate societal progress, and Pinker expands this theme by thoroughly repudiating their arguments. He quotes leftist intellectual Naomi Klein as saying that climate change activism shouldn’t rely on quantitative evidence. According to Klein, “‘We’re not going to win this as bean counters […] We’re going to win this because this is an issue of values, human rights, right and wrong’” (139). Pinker takes issue with Klein’s dichotomization of quantitative analysis versus valuing life and human rights:
Blowing off quantitative analysis as “bean-counting” is not just anti-intellectual but works against “values, human rights, right and wrong.” Someone who values human life will favor the policies that have the greatest chance of saving people from being displaced or starved while furnishing them with the means to live healthy and fulfilled lives. In a universe governed by the laws of nature rather than magic and deviltry, that requires “bean counting” (139).
This assertion emphasizes Pinker’s belief in the importance of quantitative assessments in advancing humanist goals. Similarly, he defends rationality from attacks by intellectuals who consider it too lacking in “feeling” to be meaningful. He unfavorably compares F.R. Leavis’s argument for an art-focused society to C.P. Snow’s claim that societies should focus on improving quality of life. Pinker notes that rational approaches to societal issues aren’t cold and uncaring but often imbued with empathy. Refuting Leavis’s claim that people should focus on understanding literature with “religious depth of thought and feeling,” Pinker writes:
Anyone whose “depth of thought and feeling” extends to a woman in a poor country who has lived to see her newborn because her standard of living has risen, and then multiplied that by a few hundred million, might wonder why “coming to terms with great literature” is morally superior to “raising the standard of living” [...] (34).
This exchange helps Pinker show that rational goals and measures can be based on as much “thought and feeling” as artistic or religious pursuits and are necessary to progress.
Throughout the book, Pinker argues that pessimism and declinism are prevalent, unfounded, and have real, negative consequences for society. Pinker claims that pessimism toward a broad range of issues, as well as society itself, has become widespread among the general public and cultural intellectuals across the political spectrum. To prove this pessimism is real, Pinker compares data that charts advances in health, wealth, lifespan, safety, and more, and then compares this data to people’s perceptions of the issues. For example, US crime rates dropped in the late 20th century, but most US citizens at the time thought they increased.
Pinker blames the “availability bias” for this consistent mismatch in reality and perception. His argument that the media plays a major role in shaping perceptions of society challenges people to examine their own relationship with the media and the beliefs they hold about their community and the world. By providing numerous examples of how seemingly informed people can routinely misperceive whether societal issues are improving or worsening, Pinker warns against accepting alarmist headlines as true. In addition, these examples help him underscore his broader argument that the world has made enormous progress on various issues and that the data supports that claim, even if this doesn’t immediately ring true to us.
To skewer this pessimism—and emphasize that it’s unfounded—Pinker explores a psychological phenomenon he calls the “optimism gap,” which refers to people’s perception that they’re thriving while believing that other people are worse off. Pinker refers to this phenomenon several times throughout his work to prove that most people don’t think that their own health or finances are in decline but—because of the media and availability bias—have that impression about other people. For example, most US citizens think their standard of living has improved while others’ has worsened. The optimism gap is thus another factor that encourages people to view society as in decline, from work and wealth to mental health.
The author presents the optimism gap and availability bias—and the cynicism they encourage—as factors that build a declinist mindset. For Pinker, declinist views—or the belief that society is getting worse and not better—are not just factually wrong but also actively harmful to society’s progress. He claims that unfounded cynicism has infected people of all political leanings; his condemnation of both left-wing “cultural pessimists” and right-wing populists shows that anti-Enlightenment thinking isn’t a partisan issue. Pinker even challenges his own community—professors, intellectuals, and journalists—to consider the effect that their declinist arguments have on the psychology of students and others. His repeated criticism of intellectual pessimism will challenge those who think that society is worse off than before. In addition, Pinker argues that pessimism has only encouraged populist politics, which “blatantly repudiate the ideals of the Enlightenment” because the values they espouse are “tribalist rather than cosmopolitan, authoritarian rather than democratic, contemptuous of experts rather than respectful of knowledge, and nostalgic for an idyllic past rather than hopeful for a better future” (29). Pinker notes that Trump’s populist victory was possible partly because of his followers’ cynicism and refers to a study that showed “the most consistent predictor of Trump support was pessimism” (340). This helps Pinker illustrate the connection between cynicism and people’s embrace of tribal, authoritarian politics, which threaten to undo societal progress.
Throughout his work, Pinker credits Enlightenment thinkers for spreading ideas that have become foundational to our society. Pinker includes specific examples of Enlightenment intellectuals and their arguments to show that the rights, customs, and standard of living we enjoy can be traced back to Enlightenment thinkers. For example, Enlightenment thinkers’ argument that “behavior between consenting adults is no one else’s business” (34) helped decriminalize gay sexual orientation, and Kant’s “representative republics” (13) helped inspire modern democracies. This aspect of Pinker’s work urges further commitment to reason, science, and humanism to help overcome today’s problems too.
One of Pinker’s most persuasive techniques is directly contrasting pre-Enlightenment society with post-Enlightenment society to emphasize the positive effects of Enlightenment thinking. For instance, pre-Enlightenment Europe frequently descended into war. The Enlightenment thinkers Pascal, Voltaire, Samuel Johnson, and the Quaker community denounced war, and Immanuel Kant wrote an essay dedicated to avoiding it called “Perpetual Peace” (162). Pinker explains, “The spread of these ideas has been credited with the decline in great power wars in the 18th and 19th centuries […]” (162). After World War ll, Kant’s recommendations were taken more seriously, and the world has since enjoyed “The Long Peace” (162).
Similarly, most countries used to liberally apply the death penalty for a wide variety of crimes. Pinker notes that this harsh approach went more or less unquestioned until the Enlightenment era. During the centuries since the Enlightenment era, the death penalty has been reserved for only the most heinous crimes, and this punishment has now been outlawed in numerous nations. Pinker’s comparison of people’s wealth (or lack thereof) in pre-Enlightenment Europe is particularly jarring because he quotes historians’ descriptions of people fighting over old cattle and dog bones to eat their marrow, stealing clothes from deceased plague victims, or cleaning the drains of Paris in chained pairs (79). Pinker credits the Enlightenment era’s encouragement of peace, trade, commerce, and scientific invention for setting the stage for the world’s explosion in wealth, which has lifted the standard of living worldwide. These comparisons help provide useful historical context to thoroughly understand the origin and influence of Enlightenment thinking—and warn against taking historical developments for granted. Instead, Pinker urges people to recognize that each marker of progress was the result of debate and activism to work toward humanistic goals—and to keep working toward similar goals that continue to help improve society.
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